Friday, 11th March 2016
09:00–09:30 Opening and Introduction
Matthias J. Pernerstorfer
(Don Juan Archiv Wien)
Laura Oliván Santaliestra
(University of Vienna - Institute of History)
Hans Ernst Weidinger
Suna Suner and Reinhard Eisendle
(Don Juan Archiv Wien)
09:30–11:00 Session I Women in Diplomacy: Theory and Practices
Chair Matthias J. Pernerstorfer
1. Tracey Sowerby (University of Oxford)
Elizabeth I (r.1558–1603) and Chivalric Diplomacy
Although Elizabeth I may not have been England’s first queen regnant, it was in her reign that the full implications of female monarchy were felt in English diplomacy. The theoretical justification of English ambassadors had often rested on the political closeness of the ambassador to the monarch, yet an unmarried queen surrounded by rumours of a lack of chastity – her own and her mother’s – had to be careful about just how intimate she appeared to be to her male courtiers and counsellors.
This paper examines gendered notions and chivalry within Elizabethan diplomatic practices. First it examines the extent to which Elizabeth’s ambassadors used chivalry as a means of reconciling their ambassadorial character – that is their position as the proxy of their queen – with Elizabeth’s gender. Chivalric tropes offered a way of expressing their political intimacy with the queen in a way that did not suggest any sexual impropriety (an important consideration given Catholic propaganda against Elizabeth). Secondly, it discusses one aspect of how Elizabeth’s gender impacted upon her own diplomatic practice. Much of Elizabeth’s foreign policy, particularly after 1585, was marked by wars. Yet as a queen she did not command armies herself. Often, Elizabeth allied herself, even paid for, foreign princes such as John Casimir to fight for her. A marked feature of these alliances was the chivalric language through which Elizabeth and her allies discussed their common endeavours. Through gifts, membership of the chivalric orders and the rhetoric of her letters, Elizabeth bound her male military allies to her. Both parties engaged in the fiction that she had princely ‘champions’.
2. Conchi Gutierrez (National Distance Education University of Madrid)
Splendid Women in the Diplomacy of Juan Antonio de Vera (1583-1658), Ambassador of the Catholic King, Philip IV
Juan Antonio de Vera, first Count of La Roca, is mostly known for his treatise on the ambassador: El Embaxador (1620), which was widely known and used in Europe until at least the beginning of the eighteenth century. De Vera’s diplomatic experience spans from 1610 to 1642. In 1610 he was part of the diplomatic service of Gómez Suárez de Figueroa y Córdoba, III. Duke of Feria (extraordinary Ambassador in Paris). After this, he was on mission for his own embassies to Savoy and Venice, ending in 1642. He met mainly men all through his diplomatic career as it was usual practice at the time. However, some very remarkable women influenced his diplomatic work in different ways. As ambassador to Savoy, he had to deal with Madama Cristina (1606–1663), sister of the French King, Louis XIII (r. 1610–1643) and wife of Victor Amadeus I, Duke of Savoy (r. 1630–1637) who favoured the precedence of the French ambassador over him in ceremonies, which ultimately led to De Vera’s premature leave of the Sabaudian Court and his failure to establish a permanent Spanish embassy in Savoy as his instructions commanded. Also in his instructions, he was asked to maintain good correspondence with another woman of the royal family, Margarita of Savoy (1589–1655), Philip II’s granddaughter and former Duchess of Mantua (1612), who had been a key actress in the recent Mantua Succession War (1628–1631). De Vera did not forget women in his treatise on the ambassador, where he covers a woman’s suitability for the role of ambassadress and their relationship with secrecy. De Vera also uses remarkable women of the past as examples to follow. These elements will be covered in the paper to build a case-study of the meaningful, though unofficial influence of splendid women on the diplomatic developments of the seventeenth century.
3. Annalisa Biagianti (University of Pisa)
Key Role Figures at the Court of the Queen Gobernadora Mariana of Austria: Women as Intermediaries for the Ambassador of Lucca in Madrid (1662–1674)
This contribution will focus on the twelve-year embassy of Lorenzo Cenami (1613–1686), the ambassador of the Republic of Lucca sent to Madrid in order to confirm Spanish protection for the Republic. Since the embassy started during the last years of the reign of Philip IV (1662–1665) and continued through the regency of Queen Mariana (1665–1676), the reconstruction of the network of relations established by the ambassador at the Court is an interesting case study in order to analyze how the role of female intermediaries, especially prominent women from the Queen's entourage, evolved in the shift from the 'Court of a King' to the 'Court of a Queen'.
The paper has two aims. Firstly, it will underline, with the help of the graph of the ambassador's social network, how his female friends and patrons in Madrid, though not many, were placed in key role positions within the Court, being women closely related to the Queen. Secondly, the reconstruction of a number of cases will show how in diplomatic practice the ambassador created and maintained these connections and used them to promote and defend the interests of his Republic, and even his own.
11:00–11:15 Coffee Break
11:15–12:45 Session II Diplomacy and Material Culture
Chair Claudia Römer
4. Samuel Morrison Gallacher (The Medici Archive Project, Florence)
The Diplomatic Gifts of Eleonora di Toledo, Duchess of Florence (1539–1562)
The rise of Cosimo I de’ Medici (1519–1574) is one of the most remarkable examples of rulership in early modern Europe. When he unexpectedly succeeded to the duchy of Florence in 1537, few expected much from the eighteen year old who was elected ruler of an impoverished and war-torn state, garrisoned by foreign soldiers, and facing a rebellion from pro-republican patricians. Despite these obstacles, over the course of his reign of thirty-seven years, Cosimo created one of the most important states in Italy – the Grand Duchy of Tuscany – and cultivated the last flowering of the Renaissance. Cosimo’s achievements were founded upon his diplomatic guile which carefully balanced the interests of foreign powers, above all those of the Empire of Charles V and his heirs, in order to expand and strengthen his realm while other states perished. But Cosimo did not undertake this task alone. The documents of the Medici archive, especially those drawn from Mediceo del Principato epistolary collection housed at the Archivio di Stato di Firenze, demonstrate that his wife, Eleonora di Toledo (1522–1562), was not only an instrumental part of Medicean diplomacy in the mid-sixteenth century, but personally directed aspects of the Medici diplomatic network. At Eleonora’s disposal were a number of tools, from patronage and promotion, to personal interventions in the affairs of others, though perhaps her most potent stratagem was the use of gifts. Based on archival sources, this paper will present case studies of how the duchess of Florence was able to influence diplomatic affairs. Gifts will be discussed both for their symbolic meaning and also how they represent the type of relationship that Eleonora was able to build with men of affairs with whom, for political or social reasons, her husband was unable to correspond. Through her family network, contacts with the Spanish Habsburgs, and her social standing across Europe, Eleonora’s gift exchanges strengthened their diplomatic influence to secure and enrich Tuscany, and as such, Eleonora should share credit for forging with her husband what some historians have called the first modern state.
5. Laura Mesotten (European University Institute, Florence)
“Cloth and colour makes an honourable man” – The Role of Dress in the Identity Construction of Sixteenth-century Ambassadors in Venice
“[…] he ought to consider what appearance he wishes to have and what manner of man he wishes to be taken for, and dress accordingly; and see to it that his attire aid him to be so regarded even by those who do not hear him speak or see him do anything whatever.”
This quote from one of the most famous and popular sixteenth-century conduct manuals, Il Cortegiano (Venice, 1528), written by Baldassare Castiglione (1478–1529) evinces the important role of dress in early modern society. Clothing was regarded as an instrument to control and discipline the body and as a way to manifest the virtue and honour of the inner personality. In short, early modern people believed that clothes were essential for identity formation and for the social construction of gender. The study of early modern diplomatic culture has, to date, not systematically integrated the pivotal topic of clothing in its research. However, garments occupied a major place in the day-to-day life of ambassadors since the dressed body enhanced their self-presentation and appropriate clothing functioned as paragon for the prosperity of their nation. Nonetheless, there did not exist an official and uniform public costume for early modern ambassadors due to the fact that conducting diplomatic missions was not yet standardized as an official occupation. Consequently, questions arise regarding the outlook of the attire of an ambassador and the use of dress in diplomatic identity construction: How did ambassadors represent both their official diplomatic identity and private status through dress? Did they absorb local fashions or parade national styles? And how did they construct a shopping network during their mission in order to acquire textiles and accessories? To answer these and other questions, the characteristics of the dress of French ambassadors residing in Venice, known for its strong textile industry, during the second half of the sixteenth century will be exposed. This presentation will underline that also in the lives of sixteenth-century ambassadors clothes served as important identity markers exposing gender, rank and status.
6. Pablo Hernández Sau (European University Institute, Florence)
The 1784 Spanish Gift-Embassy to Constantinople: Juan de Bouligny (1736-1798) and the Practice of Gift-Embassies
The 1782 peace treaty between the Spanish and the Ottoman empires signed 24th December opened peaceful and relatively fluid diplomatic relations on the two sides of the Mediterranean Sea, which led to the dispatch of embassies dedicated exclusively to gifts. Gift-embassies were frequent in the Ottoman territories, as was the case of Austrian embassies of 1628 or 1650; but it was an infrequent practice for the Spanish administration until 1782. However, by the last decade of the 18th century, it had become a rooted and regular diplomatic practice. In 1784, the Spanish Monarchy sent the first of a series of gift-embassies to Istanbul. Juan de Bouligny (1736–1798), the first Spanish permanent ambassador in Istanbul, established a pattern of cross-cultural diplomatic practice used after in other Muslim Mediterranean Courts, such as Algiers, Tunisia, Rabat, or Tripoli. This required thorough knowledge about court protocols, making it necessary to find the similarities and asymmetries between the two courts. As Sanjay Subrahmanyan has explained for the Portuguese - Asian court encounters, the fact that the courts didn’t share genealogical entangles or overlapping court cultures, made it necessary to notice the similarities, and to commensurate the differences between them, hence a process of commensurability of the court. The court asymmetry between Istanbul and Madrid comprised a diplomatic challenge for the Spanish administration, which created the need of a process of commensurability. This process involved understanding the Ottoman court’s consumption habits; how the Spanish Empire could cover these needs; and the necessity of acting appropriately according to the protocols of Istanbul.
The aim of this presentation is to analyse the gifts as a materialization of that process of commensurability between asymmetrical courts. The analysis of that transcultural process requires recovering the practice of the diplomats, the global flows of knowledge, and the connectivity of global consumption associated to the gifts. Therefore, through these, I will show the complexity associated to the 1784 gift-embassy, as part of a much complex process of establish cross-cultural diplomatic relations.
12:45–14:30 Lunch Break
14:30–16:00 Session III An Ambassador’s Wife: The Ambassadress
Chair Reinhard Eisendle
7. Laura Oliván Santaliestra (University of Vienna
Who was the embajadora?: The Ambassadors’ Wives Working in Madrid (1663–1677))
At the end of the Sixteenth Century, the ambassador’s wife started to be called the ambassadress. Women were not allowed to have an official post in the embassy, therefore…Why received the ambassador’s wife the title of ambassadress? Who was the embajadora? Was she a wife, a courtesan, a spy or only a noble ‘woman’? Had she political, cultural or social duties? Were these fuctions secret or recognized? Did she act in couple, with her husband? To what extent was her diplomatic activity accepted at Court?
This paper is focused on the diplomatic role of two Imperial ambassadresses in Spain: Marie Sophie von Dietrichstein, Countess of Pötting (1653–1711), and Johanna Theresia Lamberg, Countess of Harrach (1639–1716). These years (1663–1677) are chosen due to two reasons: first, during this period the relations between the Spanish Monarchy and the Holy Roman Empire were marked by the Question of Succession, a very important issue in Europe; and second, in these years Mariana of Austria was consort, regent and queen mother at the Alcázar. This queen maintained a personal and political relationship with the Imperial ambassadresses, which contributed to enhance their tasks.
The main purposes of this contribution are to define the concept of embajadora at the Court of Madrid, and to demonstrate that she, the embajadora, ‘worked’; and she worked a lot.
8. Wolfram Aichinger (University of Vienna)
The Imperial Ambassador and His Spouse at the Comedies: Secrecy and the Rhetoric of Diplomacy on Calderón’s Stage and in Count Pötting’s Diary (1663–1674)
In the diary kept during his stay in Madrid between 1663 and 1674, Count Franz von Pötting (1627–1678) preserved valuable information both for the history of theatre and the history of 17th century diplomacy. Pötting recorded the plays he attended, their themes, protagonists, genres and outstanding motifs. He also commented on the quality of the performance, on the configuration of the audience and on incidents of political relevance related to these social events.
The presentation will feature mutual interferences between the communicative logic of diplomacy on one side and dramatic dialogue and interaction on the other, focusing on Calderón’s plays El secreto a voces and El postrer duelo de España: As for diplomacy, apart from letter writing, much of Pötting’s time was spent on meetings and visits. On these highly ritualised occasions, language often was not meant to give information; instead, words were put at the service of “secondary” interactive goals: to guess at secret plans and intentions, to assess an ally’s loyalty, to breed discord, to deny betrayal, to attract the interlocutor’s affection through flattery or excessive generosity, to tease out facts by telling lies… Both the ambassador and his wife, I will surmise, were skilled in this very special art of conversation. Theatre was the medium through which the required communicative techniques were shaped, reflected and refined. Moreover, theatre – specialised as it was on believed realities and illusions – provided the scripts and scenarios for a clever management of confidence, secrets and lies.
9. Armando Fabio Ivaldi (Organisation Internationale des Experts / Paris, Geneva)
Ernestine Aloysia Ungnad von Weissenwolff, contessa Durazzo (1732–1794). Riflessioni per una ricostruzione biografica
Da non molti anni, gli studiosi del compositore Christoph Willibald Gluck (1714–1787) hanno finalmente compreso l’importanza di separare saggi e monografie sul noto compositore da quelli invece indirizzati a un’approfondita e seria ricostruzione biografica del conte Giacomo Durazzo (1717–1794). Il nobile genovese, transfuga dalla propria patria, grazie all’appoggio del Cancelliere di Stato Wenzel Anton von Kaunitz-Rietberg (1711–1794) diresse i teatri imperiali viennesi per un lungo periodo (1754–1764), legando il suo nome sia alla “riforma” dell’opera seria e del balletto pantomimo del secondo Settecento sia facendo la fortuna dello stesso Gluck. L’inizio di queste ricerche più mirate ha inoltre consentito di meglio comprendere, in particolare, non pochi aspetti e vicende del periodo viennese del Generalspektakeldirektor, ricco di nuovi fermenti teatrali legati al coevo gusto francese, e la sua abilità ‘registica’, anche se molto rimane ancora da chiarire. Direi sia giunto però il momento d’iniziare ad analizzare con sistematicità anche la personalità della moglie di Durazzo, Ernestine Aloysia Ungnad von Weissenwolf (1742–1794), gran dama della corte di Vienna.
La poliedrica figura di Durazzo, caratterizzata da periodi di grande fortuna ma anche di grandi disgrazie; con voci insistenti sulle sue avventure galanti, specie con attrici e ballerine (per altro ricambiate dalla moglie, per ripicca o per moda dell’epoca, poiché l’aristocrazia viennese non aveva costumi così probi, come avrebbe invece voluto Maria Teresa d’Asburgo-Lorena, nonostante i suoi severi decreti al riguardo); i molteplici interessi artistici del conte che supplirono le forzate dimissioni da Generalspektakedirektor con l’allontanamento dalla grande politica, seguiti da una vita assai meno brillante come ambasciatore cesareo a Venezia (1764–1784) con uno spirito sempre però «très vital», presupponevano certo una moglie di doti e intelligenza non comuni. Soprattutto di una donna e di una dama in grado di adattarsi a una vita spesso imprevedibile, per quanto ricca di stimoli artistici e culturali perseguiti dal marito, cui Ernestine Aloysia partecipò più attivamente specie nel periodo veneziano, conservando sempre un carattere forte e risoluto. È innegabile comunque che, nonostante le alterne vicende della loro intensa vita, si sia rivelato piuttosto profondo il loro reciproco rapporto affettivo, poiché rimasero insieme fino alla fine della loro esistenza terrena, condividendo l’indigenza e l’isolamento degli ultimi anni a Venezia. Questa relazione ha quindi lo scopo di focalizzare alcuni aspetti fondamentali della personalità di Ernestine Aloysia, al fine di stimolare l’inizio di studi e ricerche più accurate su di lei e forse anche per meglio comprendere quelli del consorte, Giacomo Durazzo, e di alcune sue ‘scelte vitali’.
16:00–16:15 Coffee Break
16:15–17:45 Session IV Ambassadresses, Vicerreines and Lovers in Italy
Chair Laura Oliván Santaliestra
10. David García Cueto (University of Granada)
A Spanish Ambassadress in Rome: Doña Leonor de Melo, Marchioness of Castel Rodrigo (1632–1641)
Among the Spanish ambassadresses present in Rome during the reign of Philip IV (1621–1665), the most eminent place is occupied by doña Leonor de Melo, second marchioness of Castel Rodrigo (1583– 1641). Her husband, don Manuel de Moura y Corte Real (1592–1651), maintained a strong rivalry with the prime minister of the Spanish king, Philip IV (1621–1665), don Gaspar de Guzmán, count-duke of Olivares (1587–1645). For that reason, Don Manuel was declared ambassador to the pope in 1630, as a way of keeping him away from the Madrid court. He arrived in Rome in 1632 with his wife, sons and servants. The permanence of Castel Rodrigo at the papal court was extraordinarily long. Instead of three years, the usual duration of an embassy in that context, he was in the Holy City almost nine. Thus, his wife doña Leonor became a principal actress in the Roman scene for nine years, representing the King of Spain but also herself as marchioness of Castel Rodrigo and descendant of the Kings of Portugal. This paper analyzes all these circumstances, focusing specially on the participation of doña Leonor in Roman public life, in her contact with religious institutions and in her cultural interests in that period.
11. José María Domínguez (University of La Rioja)
Singing, Love and Politics: The Revisited Case of La Giorgina (1666–1730), Mistress of Luis de la Cerda y Aragón, IXth Duke of Medinaceli
Angela Maddalena Voglia detta Giorgina (1666–1730) was a very famous singer in Christina of Sweden's Rome late in the 17th century. Some libels accused her even of being the cause of the death of the queen, in addition to provoking the banning of opera performance in Rome by pope Innocence XI Odescalchi (1676–1689). She was viewed as symbol of scandal and controversy, often attached to her role as singer and musician. Immediately after the death of Queen Christina, in 1689, the Spanish ambassador to the Holy See, Luis de la Cerda y Aragón, IXth duke of Medinaceli (1660–1711), assumed the protection of Giorgina, becoming the blank of satires and criticism by the romans as far as don Luis did make nothing to hide their relationship. He took her to Naples, when became viceroy of the kingdom in 1696 and then to Spain, where he returned in 1702 and died in 1711. Only then Giorgina went back to her natal Rome. While her public image rises from 1689 onwards, significantly she never sang in a public opera theatre, despite the interest that don Luis showed towards this genre as means of political propaganda.
The avvisi and diaries both of Rome and Naples are filled with news on the adulterous relation of the couple. There are also plenty of libels and satirical works against her. These have been usually the sources for scholars that therefore result in a very concrete discourse on her public life. This paper will examine and consider a different kind of sources: private correspondence that allows a new portrait of the singer, focusing on her personal relation with Medinaceli and his political and cultural entourage. In addition, revisiting the case of Giorgina affords new insights on other famous female singers from 17th-century Italy.
12. Pia Wallnig (Austrian State Archives)
Court Lady – Ambassadrice – Vicereine: The Life and Career of Maria Ernestine Countess Harrach (née Dietrichstein, widowed Gallas), (1683-1745)
Maria Ernestine (1683–1745) was born countess Dietrichstein, widowed countess Gallas, and remarried countess Harrach. Her life can serve as an example for the career of a noblewoman coming from the court nobility of the Habsburg lands, who managed to achieve some of the top positions in
the emerging “Monarchia Austriaca” of the early eighteenth century. Thanks to her marriages (with Johann Wenzel count Gallas in 1716 and Alois Thomas Raimund count Harrach in 1721) she became twice the vicereine of Naples, and from 1716 to 1719 she was the Imperial ambassadrice in Rome on the side of her first husband, Johann Wenzel count Gallas (1669–1719). As she had married count Gallas quite late, at the age of thirty-three, her career as court lady had been very long, provided that she had arrived at court as early as c. 1700. Maria Ernestine ended her court life as lady-in-waiting for empress Elisabeth Christine (1711–1740), after having made several acquaintances at court, also from among the members of the imperial family, and above all with emperor Charles VI’s (1711–1740) sister Maria Elisabeth (1680–1741), later Governess of the Austrian Netherlands. Maria Ernestine’s only child also called Maria Elisabeth (1718–1737) married a son of her second husband and died young. After the death of her daughter Maria Ernestine employed all her energy and resources for the career of her son-in-law, who at the same time was her stepson – Ferdinand Bonaventura II count Harrach (1708–1770).
Various sources document Maria Ernestine’s career path and shall be outlined in the presentation: her own correspondence and other letters mentioning her; her personal papers, including her will and endowments, as well as economic records kept in the Harrach family archives. A ceremonial instruction designed for her personally, and containing guidance and examples from the office of her predecessors, illustrates her role as Imperial ambassadrice in Rome. Additional sources include the recently published ceremonial instructions from the viceroyal court of Naples, as well as material from the context of the Viennese court; such as marriage contracts, Maria Ernestine’s payroll as a court lady (Hofzahlamtsbücher), memoirs and reports. All this has to be viewed taking into account recent scholarship on the range of action of noblewomen in political contexts of the early modern period. Hence, I am interested in how Maria Ernestine – as a court lady, an ambassadrice, and a vicereine – actually viewed her status, her offices, and the court at large. Unlike some of her female comtemporaries, she certainly was not able to exert substantial influence on the diplomatic relations of the Viennese court, yet the sources show her as an important hub in the cultural and social network of noble families setting out to redefine the Habsburg commonwealth, and making use of the often new offices available to them in the territories the “Monarchia Austriaca” had received after the peace treaties of Utrecht and Ratstatt in 1714 from the Spanish monarchy (Naples, Lombardy, Austrian Netherlands).
17:45–18:30 Bread & Wine
18:30–19:00 Concert Barock Cello by José Ignacio Perbech
The Origins of the Violoncello-Solo:
Vitali, degli Antonii and Gabrielli.
Bologna 17th Century
* * *
Saturday, 12th March 2016
09:30–11:00 Session V Marriage Affairs and Diplomacy
Chair Suna Suner
13. Roberta Anderson (Premodern Diplomats Network / Bath Spa University
A Bridegroom for Elizabeth: Diplomatic Negotiations for the Marriage of Princess Elizabeth (1610 – 1613) )
After 1603 there was an outbreak of wedding fever at the English court, aptly summed up by John Chamberlain, who writes that ‘all the talke now is of masking and feasting at these towardly marriages.’ In these early years of James VI & I’s reign (1603–1625), marriage played a key role in defining his identity as Rex Pacificus. After a flurry of high-profile court weddings aimed in some way or another at stabilising political tensions, protracted negotiations with several European nations culminated in Princess Elizabeth (1596–1662), only surviving daughter of James and Anna of Denmark, marrying Frederick, Elector Palatine, on Valentine’s Day, 1613. This paper will uncover some of the proposed bridegrooms offered for Elizabeth, and will examine the negotiations which took place to allow James to settle on Frederick V.
14. Rocío Martínez (National Distance Education University of Madrid)
Queen María Anna of Neuburg (1667–1740) and the Austracist Myth: Her Secret Treaty with Maximillian II Emmanuel of Bavaria
Maria Anna of Neuburg (1667–1740) was the second wife of King Charles II of Spain (r. 1665–1700), the last monarch of the House of Habsburg in Spain. She was one of the most powerful women of the last decade of the seventeenth century and had a key role both in the government of Spain and the problem of the Spanish Succession while she was married to Charles II. But, because she was the sister-in-law of Emperor Leopold I (r. 1658–1705), as the younger sister of his third wife, Empress Eleonora (1655–1720), it has been traditionally assumed that Maria Anna was an advocate of her nephew, archduke Charles’ (1685–1740) candidacy to her husband’s succession. But the documents of the time reveal that this assumption is not quite true. Maria Anna of Neuburg, who maintained a very strained relationship with Leopold I, offered her ‘services’ to the defendants of other candidates to the Spanish succession, the French king Louis XIV (r. 1643–1715) and Maximilian II Emmanuel of Bavaria (r. 1679–1726), father of Prince Joseph Ferdinand (1692–1699). And it was precisely Maximilian Emmanuel, the Elector of Bavaria, who won her favor at the end, and the documents prove it.
In this paper, I want to dispel the myth of Queen Maria Anna as an austracist and bring to light a secret agreement arranged between said queen and Maximilian II Emmanuel of Bavaria. In it, it was said that the queen Maria Anna of Neuburg would convince Charles II to name Maximilian’s son, the aforementioned Joseph Ferdinand, as the sole heir to the Spanish Monarchy. In exchange of her intervention, the queen asked Maximilian for a large number of benefits to assure her future after Charles II’s death. Amongst them, we can find a demand of a large sum of money from the moment that the young prince Joseph Ferdinand was called to Spain until her own death, and political influence in the form of a viceroyalty that would be given to her for life, or in the case she would die before her husband, said dignity would be given to one of her siblings. These are only some of the stipulations of this very interesting agreement that was negotiated between the queen and the elector during the year 1698. They reached an agreement and Joseph Ferdinand was, in fact, appointed as the sole heir of the Spanish Monarchy, but the sudden death of Joseph Ferdinand in the first months of 1699 put an end to this agreement. However, the close diplomatic relationship forged between Queen Maria Anna and Maximilian II Emmanuel continued over the next months and also after Charles II’s disappearance. With this paper, I want to present this interesting agreement and revisit the myth of Maria Anna as an advocate of the archduke Charles during her husband’s life, showing that this statement was never quite true.
15. Ekaterina Domnina (Moscow State Lomonosov University)
Count Andrey Matveyev, His Wives and Russian Diplomatic Culture of the Petrine Era (1682–1725)
The paper will focus on one of the first Russian resident ambassadors on Count Andrey Artamonovitch Matveev (also Matveyev, 1666–1728) and his impact on the ‘westernization’ of the Russian diplomatic culture during the age of the Petrine reforms. Matveev’s missions to the Dutch Republic, Austria, France and England have been well studied before, but have never been discussed from the ‘gender’ point of view. Matveev was one of the first Russian ambassadors, who took his family with him on his missions. He made a remarkable effort to educate not only his sons, but also his wives and daughters – thus he encouraged to shape new attitudes towards women, which was being promoted during the Petrine period. He was married three times and all of his wives were somewhat privy to his diplomatic work. Although the overall information about them is scant, it is still possible to evaluate their role in the shaping of the new Russian diplomatic practice.
11:00–11:15 Coffee Break
11:15–12:15 Session VI Women in French Diplomacy in the 17th Century
Chair Luis Tercero Casado
16. Camille Desenclos (Université de Haute-Alsace)
Women’s Place in Diplomacy through the French Diplomatic Correspondences in the Early 17th Century
Adventure novels are full of stories in which women lead tricky and high-level spying missions. But during the early modern era, women seem excluded from the practice of permanent diplomacy, nevertheless they were used exceptionally for some negotiations as an extra strength. Diplomatic offices are indeed reserved to men. Women cannot be found as ambassadors, agents or even as regular diplomatic correspondents. However, they can be found at the head of a state like Marie de Médicis, French regent in the 1610s (1610–1617) or Infanta Isabella, governor of the Spanish Netherlands in the (1621–1633). But in a social sense, should we really consider those sovereigns as ‘women’? Or does diplomacy remain anyway a ‘men’s’ business?
As major communication tool of the early modern diplomacy, the correspondence –is now the only way, for historians, to learn about diplomatic manners and practices. Based on the correspondences which have been sent and received by the French diplomacy during the first quarter of the 17th century, this paper will seek to analyze the epistolary networks, the writing usages of queens and female sovereigns and the mentions of women within men letters. By this way we will able to define more precisely the place of women within the daily diplomatic practice and to learn to know if they are only social tools or have some political influence which can be used for creating networks, if only the function matters while practicing diplomacy.
17. John Condren (University of St. Andrews / University of Limerick)
Women as Negotiators and Political Actors: Case-Studies from Louis XIV’s (r.1643–1715) Interactions with the Princes of Italy
Louis XIV’s (1638 – 1715) foreign policies have received significant historiographical attention, as well as the role of women at his lavish and luxurious court. This paper aims to combine two popular topics in discussions of the Sun King’s influence. It focuses on the understudied multi-faceted relationships Louis (and before him, Cardinal Mazarin) had established with the small princely courts of northern Italy. The case-studies discussed here reflect the significance of women in different capacities. Firstly, at Modena, the duchess-regent Laura Martinozzi di Fano (Mazarin’s niece, 1637–1687) had to be subjected to intense French diplomatic pressure before she would finally allow her daughter, Maria Beatrice d’Este, to marry James Stuart, Duke of York. This paper considers the comments which French diplomats made about her style of governance, in light of her deceased husband’s previous support for France (Alfonso IV, 1634–1662). Secondly, at Florence in the 1660s and 1670s, the marquise de Deffans was one of Marguérite-Louise d’Orléans’s ladies-in-waiting during her ill-fated marriage to Grand Prince Cosimo de’ Medici (1642–1723), who would become Grand Duke of Tuscany in 1670. Some of Mme. Deffans’s letters have survived: they offer an insight into her role as pacifier of the headstrong Marguérite-Louise, who was an unwilling part of the French king’s plan to subvert Spanish influence in northern and central Italy. Thirdly, this paper analyses the inter-familial rivalries at the Gonzaga-Nevers court in Mantua in the late 1670s, in which the females of the Cavriani and Amorotto casate played their part. These rivalries affected French interests insofar as the dissolute duke of Mantua’s government (dominated by the marchese di Cavriani, 1626–1695) was divided over whether or not to formally ally itself with Louis XIV in defiance of the Holy Roman Emperor and the King of Spain. In total, this paper offers considerations of how women could influence and hinder the progress of 17th-century negotiations, in a historical narrative dominated by powerful men – none more powerful than Louis himself.
12:15–12:30 Coffee Break
12:30–13:30 Session VII Cases of Ottoman Diplomacy
Chair Laura Oliván Santaliestra
18. Luis Tercero Casado (University of Vienna)
A Turk in Planet King’s Court: Political and Sociocultural Controversies of an Ottoman Embassy to Madrid (1649–1650)
Since Charles V’s time (r. 1519–1556) no envoy from the Sublime Porte had set foot in Spain. The sudden arrival in Madrid of an Ottoman embassy in 1649 raised many questions throughout the main European courts, but primarily in two of them had reason enough to be concerned: Venice, due to the ongoing War of Candia (1645–1669), and the Holy Roman Empire, in close and fragile vicinity with the Ottoman Empire. Emperor Ferdinand III (r. 1637–1657), head of the other main line of the Habsburgs, wondered which intentions where behind this embassy and how it would affect the relations with Madrid. As for Venice, whose relations with the Spanish Monarchy lacked harmony, much was on stake regarding its survival on the island of Crete. But manifold questions had also arisen at the very court of Madrid: How could the very pious King Philip IV (r. 1621–1665), self-proclaimed guarantor of the Catholic faith, handle such an embassy awkward to the Spanish court? Did the court rise to this challenge? Was it successful in integrating an envoy from the “archenemy” of Christendom within a courtly order under tight surveillance of the Inquisition? Which dimensions did such “cultural shock” possess? It is our purpose to give answers to these questions on a controversial embassy in a key period of pragmatic adaptation for the Spanish Monarchy.
19. Osman Nihat Bişgin (National Palaces – Dolmabahçe Palace, Istanbul)
The Embassy of Seyyid Ali Efendi to France (1797-1802): The Impressions of an Ottoman Diplomat on Europe and European Theatre through his Sefâretnâme
Ottoman State started to assign permanent ambassadors in Europe by the end of the18th century. This was a change ventured to following the ad hoc diplomacy which prevailed until then. With the resident embassy of Yusuf Âgâh Efendi to London (1793), recently established French Directoire (1795) insisted enthusiastically on receiving a resident ambassador to Paris. Moralı Seyyid Ali Efendi who had previously served in finance was assigned to Paris in 1797. On a deck of the ship named Fiore del Levante he spent many days to arrive Marseille. The gifts to the Directoire were not ready yet, so he kept some ıtr (pelargonium) to offer as a quick gift. Rose essence would be also given as a gift to please the ladies. His sojourn which was expected to be three years lasted in fact five years and six months as an outcome of the Egyptian Campaign of France (1798). No matter that he was initially assigned as plenipotentiary for the Treaty of Amiens (1802), Gâlip Efendi (plenipotentiary in 1802) replaced him; therefore Seyyid Ali Efendi returned to İstanbul, following the way through Vienna, Bucharest, Silistra and finally Varna, where he embarked on a ship to İstanbul.
During his mission in France, Seyyid Ali Efendi did not miss the chance of visiting theatres. Soon after he left his quarantine in Marseille, he watched Le Petit Matelot of Pigault-Lebrun (Paris, 1796). In Lyon where he stayed for three days, he watched Lodoïska (Paris, 1791) of Luigi Cherubuni (1760–1842). After all this cultural experience, he made theatre also as topic in his sefâretnâme, describing the performance of Zaïre (Paris, 1732) of Voltaire in detail, where he also made his own definitions of tragedy and comedy. In this paper Seyyid Ali’s travel to France and his embassy are focused on, in the light of his sefâretnâme and newspapers.
13:30–13:45 Closure and Reflections